In a watershed election, Karunanidhi comes back to power as his sops, personal charisma and caste arithmetic prove invincible
By S.S. Jeevan
Muthuvel Karunanidhi began his career as a scriptwriter for Tamil films in the age of hyper melodrama. The lines he wrote created winners in reel life. Much later he replicated that talent in real life. Now in the sunset of his political career, he has scripted a victory again. The calculations were right and his shrewdly crafted manifesto for the DMK, promising rice at Rs 2 a kg and freebies like colour TV sets, managed to checkmate his opponent and win over the electorate. However, it was not just the freebies that did the trick. In a war between arithmetic and chemistry, Karunanidhi got both the arithmetic and the chemistry right.
Sure he had history on his side. The state has voted out incumbents unfailingly for 15 years. But there is a twist in the script. The victory is not one sided. J. Jayalalithaa's AIADMK has gained in Chennai, long heralded as the bastion of the DMK. It won seven of the 14 seats there. Karunanidhi has called this loss a "setback". Also, contrary to the state's history of landslide victories for a single party, no party has managed a majority on its own this time. Actor Vijaykanth's Desiya Marumalarchy Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) and cine icon Karthik's Forward Bloc may have helped Karunanidhi by cutting into the caste bastions-between them the duo spoiled the AIADMK's chances, taking south Tamil Nadu away from it-but largely, the state's watershed election has cut its demigods to size and sublimated democracy. In defeat Jayalalithaa said, "I accept the verdict of the people and thank all those who voted for the AIADMK alliance."
Within a couple of hours of counting, it had become clear that the DMK chief, who will celebrate his 83rd birthday next month, was on his way to heading the state's first-ever coalition government. His party has won 96 of the 234 seats and emerged as the single-largest party in the Assembly. This will be Karunanidhi's fourth term as a chief minister. His allies, particularly the Congress, which have performed beyond expectations, helped his Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) get 163 seats. The Congress, though nowhere near its 1960 tally of 61 seats, notched its highest number in 20 years by winning 34 of the 48 seats contested. The PMK and the communists won 18 and 15 seats, respectively.
For once the election script had no villains. If one were pressed to point out one, it was poverty, and both parties tried to outdo each other by offering a series of sops. Jayalalithaa walked into Karunanidhi's trap when she first criticised the sops and then topped the DMK's offer. Attacking an offer of sops is not a smart political strategy. Voters may or may not believe the politicians' promises but they do take offence if the opponents try to deny them a promised gift horse.
If Karunanidhi did well to convert his promises into votes it was because he boosted the arithmetic of caste coalition with personal chemistry. His opponent, though praised for her improved governance, chose to be aloof, hardly ever getting off her Tempo Traveller to make contact with the voters. She addressed people at road junctions, street corners and impromptu sessions on the highways, but the people could see her only through the windshield or the window glass. It was almost as though she were on television. Indeed, a last-minute request by MDMK chief Vaiko for rallies in big towns was turned down by the AIADMK supremo. Karunanidhi, in contrast, struggled up the steps of numerous podiums to reach out to the masses. Many suggest that this might have helped the DMK get sympathy votes.
The DPA won evenly across the state. If the Congress swept Sivaganga and Vellore districts, the communists restored their grip over Thanjavur and made impressive gains in Kanyakumari. The PMK asserted its influence in north Tamil Nadu, while other allies bagged the coastal districts of Cuddalore and Nagapattinam, where the incumbent lost heavily despite the AIADMK government's much-talked-about tsunami rehabilitation programme.
The DPA's victory has much to do with Karunanidhi's statesman-like approach towards his allies and his serene style of campaigning. He was able to connect with the masses at well-attended public meetings. Even though he spent only about 15 days campaigning, the recurring images on the Sun Network made up for his absence. It also helped that the dozen-odd Central ministers, including the prime minister and the Congress' star campaigner, Union Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, toured the state, underscoring the alliance's proximity to the Centre.
In a sense, Karunanidhi made compromises to conquer as he parted with a large number of seats. In a break from the past, he indicated he was not averse to forming a coalition. In electoral politics, the promise of sharing power works like a tonic. What's more, even in victory, Karunanidhi said he would consult his allies on forming a government. The DPA could withstand the "money wave" unleashed by the AIADMK because of the dedicated work by cadres and leaders of all partners, he added. While Congress leaders privately talked of sharing power, they refrained from issuing any statement of power-sharing as the decision has been left to the party high command. The PMK also does not seem to be averse to joining the government. Only the communists have categorically stated that they would support it from the outside.
History will analyse Jayalalithaa's defeat at leisure but prima facie the AIADMK failed to reckon the force of caste mathematics. It also underestimated the threats. For instance, the AIADMK believed that Vijaykanth was on its side as he criticised Karunanidhi and the DMK at every rally. Though his nascent DMDK contested in almost all constituencies, it could win only one seat-Virudhachalam, which was won by Vijaykanth. But his thondar padai (volunteer army) played havoc with the AIADMK's votes, particularly in Jayalalithaa's strongholds in the southern and western districts by cornering about 8 per cent of the votes. In some constituencies the DMDK got over 20,000 votes. "The Vijaykanth factor tilted the scales in favour of the DPA," says political commentator Cho Ramaswamy.
Using the former actor's vehicle for campaigning, Vijaykanth worked on the MGR appeal and lured the rural poor. His younger compatriot from Kollywood, Karthik, too cut into the trusted Thevar vote bank of Jayalalithaa. They converted the bipolar elections into a triangular contest in many constituencies, denying the AIADMK a return and delivering to the Karunanidhi's alliance a crucial edge in many closely fought constituencies. Take, for example, the case of DMK General Secretary K. Anbazhagan, who won the Harbour constituency in Chennai by a mere 400 votes. Even the outgoing industry minister Nainar Nagendran lost the Tirunelveli seat by just 780 votes. The record voter turnout of over 70 per cent also went against the incumbent. Significantly, the minorities have also backed the DMK alliance. And despite Jayalalithaa's rollbacks, government employees and minorities have voted against her, says a poll analyst. The AIADMK seats have largely come from Coimbatore and Tuticorin.
In terms of strike rate the DMK did much better-it won 96 of the 129 seats contested-than the AIADMK, which won only 61 of the 182 seats. The AIADMK's much-vaunted ally MDMK won only 6 of the 35 seats, while Thol Thirumavalan's Dalit Panthers of India won two of the nine seats it contested. The defeat, though, has not been as bad as it was feared given the difference in vote share. "Compared to the 2004 Lok Sabha elections the current election only indicated a downward trend in the DMK vote bank," says Vaiko. To win 69 seats is no mean recovery. Jayalalithaa herself has done well. She won the Andipatti seat by over 24,000 votes.
When Jayalalithaa took over as chief minister in 2001, the statue of Kannaki suddenly disappeared from the Marina Beach in Chennai. Some astrologers are rumoured to have found it inauspicious. Kannaki is the heroine of a Tamil classic who forgave her husband for leaving her for a beautiful courtesan, but fought for him even after his death. "To Karunanidhi, Kannaki epitomised the Tamil woman's character," says writer Vaasanthi in her recent book.
Karunanidhi's first statement after winning was that he would reinstall the statue of Kannaki at Marina Beach. It is symbolic that after ousting the puratchi thalaivi (revolutionary leader) he will restore the original revolutionary to her pedestal. He also declared that the DMK will not be "politically vindictive". Given the history of vendetta politics in Tamil Nadu, it is difficult to believe that adversaries can live and let live. It may be an unintended dividend but Tamil Nadu could yet see the dawn of a new era of tolerance.
(India Today, May 22, 2006)
Showing posts with label POLITICS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label POLITICS. Show all posts
SRI LANKA: YESTERDAY ONCE MORE
The Sri Lankan refugee issue no longer evokes the passion of the past as mainline political parties say it is for the Centre to take adequate steps
By S S Jeevan
Dorairanjan left his village in Mannar district in northern Sri Lanka along with his wife Anjali and three children, two of them girls, in a small dhow and arrived at Danushkodi near Rameshwaram in Tamil Nadu on June 20. “I couldn’t continue to live there, and did not want to leave my family behind,” says Dorairanjan, who used to run a grocery shop. All along their difficult journey, his family had a twin objective. While each member took turns to “pump out” the water entering their small boat with “bare hands”, they also kept a vigil for the Sri Lankan navy patrolling the volatile seas. Dorairanjan says his journey to India was quite a tightrope walk, just like it has been for over 4,000 Tamil refugees who have arrived in Tamil Nadu over the past couple of months.
History will bear witness to the fact that every time refugees landed in Rameshwaram, most political parties in the state became overnight torchbearers for the “Tamil cause”. They would challenge Delhi’s foreign policy with regard to Sri Lanka and give shelter to extremist groups in the state. State Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi even resigned from the state Assembly once to express solidarity with the “freedom struggle” of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. But today, most political parties have moved away from their earlier positions, and are beginning to talk a new language. Karunanidhi himself is closer to Delhi than ever before. “I leave it to the Centre to decide on the Sri Lankan issue,” he said last week.
At a hurriedly convened meeting of the ruling alliance partners that was held last week in Chennai, the political shift was evident. For the first time six parties spoke in unison asking the Centre to take “adequate steps on the issue”, thereby drifting from their earlier positions.
Karunanidhi, in fact, was forced to hold that meeting as his alliance partner, the PMK, had threatened to join forces with Pan-Tamil politicians— Vaiko of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) and Thol Thirumavalavan of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI)—to stage a rally on June 16 if Tamil Nadu remained a mute spectator to the refugee problem. Though Karunanidhi managed to pull back the PMK and pre-empted a political crisis in the state, PMK President S. Ramadoss has come down heavily on the Centre for its proposed sale of radars to Sri Lanka and said India must play a role to “ensure equal rights to Tamils as well as Sinhalese”.
The chief minister also set up a committee to ascertain the conditions of the refugee camps. And their report, which was presented at the meeting, recommends improved amenities, including providing electricity. There are around 60,000 refugees in over 100 relief camps across the state. Karunanidhi also said he had given “clear instructions to the state police to allow only genuine refugees” into Tamil Nadu.
Perhaps the most vocal support for the Sri Lankan Tamils comes from Vaiko and Thirumavalavan, both of whom have been holding rallies with fringe parties. “We should extend support to them (Tamils) as they are our blood brothers,” says Vaiko, while Thirumavalavan adds, “Karunanidhi needs to clarify his stand—whether he supports the Sinhalese or the Tamils.” The AIADMK chief J. Jayalalithaa has consistently taken an anti-terrorism stand. Local body elections are due in a few months, and the last thing a defeated alliance needs is a disunited face. But she too said it was best to leave the issue to the Centre. “The Centre should take immediate steps to bring peace in Sri Lanka,” she said.
Karunanidhi, once the champion of the Tamil cause, is today reluctant to use the word “Eelam”. His predicament may be the result of the political exigencies of the time. The Tamil issue does not evoke as much sympathy as it used to, especially after the assassination of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. His party was, in fact, wiped out in the elections that followed. Now, with the Congress supporting his minority government in the state, and the DMK ministers part of the Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, Karunanidhi’s hands are tied. So, like Dorairanjan in Danushkodi, Karunanidhi too is walking the tightrope in Chennai.
(India Today, July 10, 2006)
By S S Jeevan
Dorairanjan left his village in Mannar district in northern Sri Lanka along with his wife Anjali and three children, two of them girls, in a small dhow and arrived at Danushkodi near Rameshwaram in Tamil Nadu on June 20. “I couldn’t continue to live there, and did not want to leave my family behind,” says Dorairanjan, who used to run a grocery shop. All along their difficult journey, his family had a twin objective. While each member took turns to “pump out” the water entering their small boat with “bare hands”, they also kept a vigil for the Sri Lankan navy patrolling the volatile seas. Dorairanjan says his journey to India was quite a tightrope walk, just like it has been for over 4,000 Tamil refugees who have arrived in Tamil Nadu over the past couple of months.
History will bear witness to the fact that every time refugees landed in Rameshwaram, most political parties in the state became overnight torchbearers for the “Tamil cause”. They would challenge Delhi’s foreign policy with regard to Sri Lanka and give shelter to extremist groups in the state. State Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi even resigned from the state Assembly once to express solidarity with the “freedom struggle” of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. But today, most political parties have moved away from their earlier positions, and are beginning to talk a new language. Karunanidhi himself is closer to Delhi than ever before. “I leave it to the Centre to decide on the Sri Lankan issue,” he said last week.
At a hurriedly convened meeting of the ruling alliance partners that was held last week in Chennai, the political shift was evident. For the first time six parties spoke in unison asking the Centre to take “adequate steps on the issue”, thereby drifting from their earlier positions.
Karunanidhi, in fact, was forced to hold that meeting as his alliance partner, the PMK, had threatened to join forces with Pan-Tamil politicians— Vaiko of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) and Thol Thirumavalavan of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI)—to stage a rally on June 16 if Tamil Nadu remained a mute spectator to the refugee problem. Though Karunanidhi managed to pull back the PMK and pre-empted a political crisis in the state, PMK President S. Ramadoss has come down heavily on the Centre for its proposed sale of radars to Sri Lanka and said India must play a role to “ensure equal rights to Tamils as well as Sinhalese”.
The chief minister also set up a committee to ascertain the conditions of the refugee camps. And their report, which was presented at the meeting, recommends improved amenities, including providing electricity. There are around 60,000 refugees in over 100 relief camps across the state. Karunanidhi also said he had given “clear instructions to the state police to allow only genuine refugees” into Tamil Nadu.
Perhaps the most vocal support for the Sri Lankan Tamils comes from Vaiko and Thirumavalavan, both of whom have been holding rallies with fringe parties. “We should extend support to them (Tamils) as they are our blood brothers,” says Vaiko, while Thirumavalavan adds, “Karunanidhi needs to clarify his stand—whether he supports the Sinhalese or the Tamils.” The AIADMK chief J. Jayalalithaa has consistently taken an anti-terrorism stand. Local body elections are due in a few months, and the last thing a defeated alliance needs is a disunited face. But she too said it was best to leave the issue to the Centre. “The Centre should take immediate steps to bring peace in Sri Lanka,” she said.
Karunanidhi, once the champion of the Tamil cause, is today reluctant to use the word “Eelam”. His predicament may be the result of the political exigencies of the time. The Tamil issue does not evoke as much sympathy as it used to, especially after the assassination of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. His party was, in fact, wiped out in the elections that followed. Now, with the Congress supporting his minority government in the state, and the DMK ministers part of the Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, Karunanidhi’s hands are tied. So, like Dorairanjan in Danushkodi, Karunanidhi too is walking the tightrope in Chennai.
(India Today, July 10, 2006)
TONGUE TWISTER
Chief Minister Karunanidhi’s decision to make Tamil the language of the high court has left the state’s legal community divided
By S S Jeevan
In no other state in India is language as much an emotive issue as it is in Tamil Nadu. In the 1960s, the state witnessed unprecedented riots opposing the imposition of Hindi as the national language by the Central government. Over the years, a number of theatrics involving language— including tax concessions for films with Tamil names—have taken place.
Now, the language politics in the state has taken a new turn. Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s decision to introduce Tamil as the language of the high court in the state has sparked fresh controversy. Citing Article 348(2) of the Constitution, the state Assembly passed a resolution and quoted Section 7 of the Official Languages Act, 1963, which provides for all proceedings of the high court to be in the state’s official language. The move requires the consent of the President. “Let the Tamil lamp glow bright in the high court’s portals,” Karunanidhi said. But for the past four months, the attempt has been met with several roadblocks. And now even the Union Government is yet to respond to Karunanidhi’s plea.
The judiciary in the state was the first to react, as a large section of it raised a banner of revolt, with Chief Justice A.P. Shah writing to Karunanidhi, cautioning him that “the switchover to Tamil would not be fully effective for the purpose of delivering justice”. While many accepted the decision “in principle”, they also insisted that a comprehensive project would be needed to translate enactments and laws.
However, when the request was forwarded to the Centre for its approval, the Union Law Ministry politely turned it down. Karunanidhi immediately wrote a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Home Minister Shivraj Patil and Law Minister H.R. Bhardwaj, arguing that Tamil Nadu be treated on par with the northern states where the use of official language of the state is permitted in the high courts. “In Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, high courts have been authorised to conduct all proceedings in Hindi. Thus, in case of Tamil Nadu a different stand cannot be taken,” he said. Every state has the right to invoke the said provisions for the use of the official language in the high court, he contended.
Tamil Nadu among other states has the highest number of cases pending in the country. Till 2006, 4,43,656 civil and 4,13,153 criminal cases in subordinate courts were left to be looked upon along with 3,72,973 civil and 38,985 criminal cases in the high court. To expedite matters, however, the state Government has proposed to start 50 fast track courts in 2007-2008. It has asked the Centre to allocate funds in the current financial year to take up a Rs 213-crore project to construct court buildings for judicial officers.
Many experts have voiced concerns as to how the attempt to change the language of court can delay the judicial process. Moreover, the appointments of non-Tamil speaking judges to the high court may have its own problems. India follows the Anglo-Saxon system of jurisprudence, and translations from English to Tamil will take many years. However, it remains to be seen whether the Centre responds to Karunanidhi’s penchant for Tamil.
(India Today, April 30, 2007)
By S S Jeevan
In no other state in India is language as much an emotive issue as it is in Tamil Nadu. In the 1960s, the state witnessed unprecedented riots opposing the imposition of Hindi as the national language by the Central government. Over the years, a number of theatrics involving language— including tax concessions for films with Tamil names—have taken place.
Now, the language politics in the state has taken a new turn. Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s decision to introduce Tamil as the language of the high court in the state has sparked fresh controversy. Citing Article 348(2) of the Constitution, the state Assembly passed a resolution and quoted Section 7 of the Official Languages Act, 1963, which provides for all proceedings of the high court to be in the state’s official language. The move requires the consent of the President. “Let the Tamil lamp glow bright in the high court’s portals,” Karunanidhi said. But for the past four months, the attempt has been met with several roadblocks. And now even the Union Government is yet to respond to Karunanidhi’s plea.
The judiciary in the state was the first to react, as a large section of it raised a banner of revolt, with Chief Justice A.P. Shah writing to Karunanidhi, cautioning him that “the switchover to Tamil would not be fully effective for the purpose of delivering justice”. While many accepted the decision “in principle”, they also insisted that a comprehensive project would be needed to translate enactments and laws.
However, when the request was forwarded to the Centre for its approval, the Union Law Ministry politely turned it down. Karunanidhi immediately wrote a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Home Minister Shivraj Patil and Law Minister H.R. Bhardwaj, arguing that Tamil Nadu be treated on par with the northern states where the use of official language of the state is permitted in the high courts. “In Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, high courts have been authorised to conduct all proceedings in Hindi. Thus, in case of Tamil Nadu a different stand cannot be taken,” he said. Every state has the right to invoke the said provisions for the use of the official language in the high court, he contended.
Tamil Nadu among other states has the highest number of cases pending in the country. Till 2006, 4,43,656 civil and 4,13,153 criminal cases in subordinate courts were left to be looked upon along with 3,72,973 civil and 38,985 criminal cases in the high court. To expedite matters, however, the state Government has proposed to start 50 fast track courts in 2007-2008. It has asked the Centre to allocate funds in the current financial year to take up a Rs 213-crore project to construct court buildings for judicial officers.
Many experts have voiced concerns as to how the attempt to change the language of court can delay the judicial process. Moreover, the appointments of non-Tamil speaking judges to the high court may have its own problems. India follows the Anglo-Saxon system of jurisprudence, and translations from English to Tamil will take many years. However, it remains to be seen whether the Centre responds to Karunanidhi’s penchant for Tamil.
(India Today, April 30, 2007)
THE RISING SON
Karunanidhi starts his fifth term, partially fulfilling his election pledges, even as his son Stalin’s induction into the Cabinet signals the DMK chief’s carefully crafted plan to pass on the baton
By S S Jeevan, in Chennai
If you thought a man touching 83 would take time to settle into a new job, think again. The elections to the Tamil Nadu Assembly were held on May 8. Three days later, when the votes were counted, Muthuvel Karunanidhi’s DMK belied predictions of a close fight and emerged as the overwhelming winner. Two days later, the new chief minister and his 30-member Cabinet— which included his son and heir apparent M.K. Stalin—were sworn in at a public function at the Nehru Indoor Stadium in Chennai. Minutes later, amidst cheers from a large gathering inside the closed arena and lakhs of DMK cadres, Karunanidhi partially fulfilled his campaign pledges: rice for the poor at Rs 2 per kg, waiver of loans for the cooperative sector and an extra egg in the midday meal-scheme for schoolchildren. “I am signing the orders in front of you,” he told the audience. Chief Minister Karunanidhi had put his money where his mouth is. And in one stroke, he made the DMK’s dramatic victory look even more spectacular.
Till the morning of the counting day, a close finish was what everyone had predicted and it looked as if the state was readying for its first shot at a coalition government. For a man on the wrong side of 80, Karunanidhi appeared to be doing things at breakneck speed. Just hours after he took the oath, he effected a smooth transition of almost all top bureaucrats and police officers, including a few who had been suspended or shunted to the bureaucratic doghouse by the previous AIADMK regime of J. Jayalalithaa. Even the state Government’s website wore a new look.
It was not without reason that Karunanidhi did not overtly project his son during the run-up to the polls. “It is a strategy to malign me,” he told INDIA TODAY, dismissing questions regarding the anointment of his son. But the list of ministers submitted to Governor S.S. Barnala left little to the imagination. Stalin’s name is right after those of his father’s and of the party vanguards’, General Secretary K. Anbazhagan and Treasurer Arcot N. Veerasamy.
Stalin’s rise within the party has been largely silent. That’s because the campaign launched by Vaiko and Jayalalithaa on dynastic rule always put Karunanidhi on the backfoot. He knew the more he projected his son, the lesser would be Stalin’s chances of succeeding him. But pushing his son is just what he’s been doing. Stalin’s control over the party has been increasing over the years. Ever since he was made the DMK’s deputy general secretary two years ago, Stalin has made a conscious effort to emulate his father—going to the party headquarters at 10 a.m. and meeting the cadres every day. He has also been working on his oratory skills—a fact that came to light in this election. About six months ago, he began writing columns in the party organ Murasoli, just like his father.
Stalin may face stiff opposition outside the DMK world, but inside the party he is the king-in-waiting. After Vaiko’s the DMK. Most of Karunanidhi’s Cabinet is filled with new faces—19, including Stalin, who are adding political strength to his future. And the old guard will not revolt. He shares a special relationship with Dayanidhi Maran, whose father Murasoli Maran was unflinchingly loyal to Karunanidhi. The generation-next leaders hope to follow in their father’s footsteps. Rarely does one witness both father and son together in a cabinet. Stalin has emerged as the undisputed leader in the party and a new power centre at Fort St George.
Stalin is not just in power, he is in absolute control too. He holds the crucial local administration portfolio that includes municipal administration, panchayats, rural development and indebtedness and urban and water supply. Karunanidhi has played his part to strike a fine balance in his Cabinet— there’s a fair representation of castes, minorities and women. He has given special emphasis to the southern districts, from where the DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) made inroads into the AIADMK belt.
In keeping with a tradition peculiar to the state, Jayalalithaa has said she will not attend the Assembly, unless “it is important”. “Nobody can forget how I was attacked and humiliated in the Assembly on March 25, 1989 and some of those who humiliated me that day will be back as ministers in the new DMK ministry,” she said. She has deputed former chief minister O. Pannerselvam to lead her party in the Assembly. Karunanidhi too had kept away from the Assembly when the AIADMK was in power.
Experts have expressed fears that Karunanidhi’s populism could bleed the state’s economy in the long run. During the previous DMK regime, the state’s revenue deficit had gone up from 2.94 per cent in 1996 to 26.95 per cent in 2000. The AIADMK government, with some creative measures, had brought it down to 2.47 per cent. The waiver of cooperative loans, some believe, could lead to problems, as people will start believing that there is no need to pay their debts. Even the promise of two acres for poor landless farmers is bound to become a contentious issue as far as land availability and eligibility are concerned.
Karunanidhi’s populist policies have gone beyond the economic. In a progressive order of far-reaching implications, the Government has ended the monopoly of Brahmins over temples in the state. This was DMK ideologue Periyar E.V. Ramasamy’s last wish, Karunanidhi said. As if in acknowledgement of the recent close ties between the DMK and the Congress— never mind that it was a Congress government that had dismissed his during the Emergency—he announced that the enhanced midday meals would be given to children from July 15, the birthday of the former Congress president and Tamil Nadu’s last Congress chief minister K. Kamaraj. That was the only concession he would make to the Congress, which as an alliance partner was hoping to grab a few ministerial berths for itself. The logic behind this unfriendly act was not difficult to understand. Having just anointed his son as minister and heir apparent, Karunanidhi, who, at 83, is certainly serving his last term as chief minister, is hardly keen to give the Congress a chance to groom a leader who could one day pose a challenge to his son. In Delhi or in Chennai, political dynasties always think alike.
(India Today, May 29, 2006)
By S S Jeevan, in Chennai
If you thought a man touching 83 would take time to settle into a new job, think again. The elections to the Tamil Nadu Assembly were held on May 8. Three days later, when the votes were counted, Muthuvel Karunanidhi’s DMK belied predictions of a close fight and emerged as the overwhelming winner. Two days later, the new chief minister and his 30-member Cabinet— which included his son and heir apparent M.K. Stalin—were sworn in at a public function at the Nehru Indoor Stadium in Chennai. Minutes later, amidst cheers from a large gathering inside the closed arena and lakhs of DMK cadres, Karunanidhi partially fulfilled his campaign pledges: rice for the poor at Rs 2 per kg, waiver of loans for the cooperative sector and an extra egg in the midday meal-scheme for schoolchildren. “I am signing the orders in front of you,” he told the audience. Chief Minister Karunanidhi had put his money where his mouth is. And in one stroke, he made the DMK’s dramatic victory look even more spectacular.
Till the morning of the counting day, a close finish was what everyone had predicted and it looked as if the state was readying for its first shot at a coalition government. For a man on the wrong side of 80, Karunanidhi appeared to be doing things at breakneck speed. Just hours after he took the oath, he effected a smooth transition of almost all top bureaucrats and police officers, including a few who had been suspended or shunted to the bureaucratic doghouse by the previous AIADMK regime of J. Jayalalithaa. Even the state Government’s website wore a new look.
It was not without reason that Karunanidhi did not overtly project his son during the run-up to the polls. “It is a strategy to malign me,” he told INDIA TODAY, dismissing questions regarding the anointment of his son. But the list of ministers submitted to Governor S.S. Barnala left little to the imagination. Stalin’s name is right after those of his father’s and of the party vanguards’, General Secretary K. Anbazhagan and Treasurer Arcot N. Veerasamy.
Stalin’s rise within the party has been largely silent. That’s because the campaign launched by Vaiko and Jayalalithaa on dynastic rule always put Karunanidhi on the backfoot. He knew the more he projected his son, the lesser would be Stalin’s chances of succeeding him. But pushing his son is just what he’s been doing. Stalin’s control over the party has been increasing over the years. Ever since he was made the DMK’s deputy general secretary two years ago, Stalin has made a conscious effort to emulate his father—going to the party headquarters at 10 a.m. and meeting the cadres every day. He has also been working on his oratory skills—a fact that came to light in this election. About six months ago, he began writing columns in the party organ Murasoli, just like his father.
Stalin may face stiff opposition outside the DMK world, but inside the party he is the king-in-waiting. After Vaiko’s the DMK. Most of Karunanidhi’s Cabinet is filled with new faces—19, including Stalin, who are adding political strength to his future. And the old guard will not revolt. He shares a special relationship with Dayanidhi Maran, whose father Murasoli Maran was unflinchingly loyal to Karunanidhi. The generation-next leaders hope to follow in their father’s footsteps. Rarely does one witness both father and son together in a cabinet. Stalin has emerged as the undisputed leader in the party and a new power centre at Fort St George.
Stalin is not just in power, he is in absolute control too. He holds the crucial local administration portfolio that includes municipal administration, panchayats, rural development and indebtedness and urban and water supply. Karunanidhi has played his part to strike a fine balance in his Cabinet— there’s a fair representation of castes, minorities and women. He has given special emphasis to the southern districts, from where the DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) made inroads into the AIADMK belt.
In keeping with a tradition peculiar to the state, Jayalalithaa has said she will not attend the Assembly, unless “it is important”. “Nobody can forget how I was attacked and humiliated in the Assembly on March 25, 1989 and some of those who humiliated me that day will be back as ministers in the new DMK ministry,” she said. She has deputed former chief minister O. Pannerselvam to lead her party in the Assembly. Karunanidhi too had kept away from the Assembly when the AIADMK was in power.
Experts have expressed fears that Karunanidhi’s populism could bleed the state’s economy in the long run. During the previous DMK regime, the state’s revenue deficit had gone up from 2.94 per cent in 1996 to 26.95 per cent in 2000. The AIADMK government, with some creative measures, had brought it down to 2.47 per cent. The waiver of cooperative loans, some believe, could lead to problems, as people will start believing that there is no need to pay their debts. Even the promise of two acres for poor landless farmers is bound to become a contentious issue as far as land availability and eligibility are concerned.
Karunanidhi’s populist policies have gone beyond the economic. In a progressive order of far-reaching implications, the Government has ended the monopoly of Brahmins over temples in the state. This was DMK ideologue Periyar E.V. Ramasamy’s last wish, Karunanidhi said. As if in acknowledgement of the recent close ties between the DMK and the Congress— never mind that it was a Congress government that had dismissed his during the Emergency—he announced that the enhanced midday meals would be given to children from July 15, the birthday of the former Congress president and Tamil Nadu’s last Congress chief minister K. Kamaraj. That was the only concession he would make to the Congress, which as an alliance partner was hoping to grab a few ministerial berths for itself. The logic behind this unfriendly act was not difficult to understand. Having just anointed his son as minister and heir apparent, Karunanidhi, who, at 83, is certainly serving his last term as chief minister, is hardly keen to give the Congress a chance to groom a leader who could one day pose a challenge to his son. In Delhi or in Chennai, political dynasties always think alike.
(India Today, May 29, 2006)
SMALL IS POWERFUL
With most pollsters predicting a photo-finish, smaller parties and allies may hold the key to government formation in Chennai
By S S Jeevan
Ever since the state came into being in 1953, Tamil Nadu, formerly Madras, has been a fanatical believer in single-party rule. While the Congress ruled for a little over a decade, regional parties have held sway since 1967. But now the state is witnessing a phenomenal rise of caste-based parties and marginal players. Their importance can be gauged from the fact that they have managed to wrangle a significant number of seats from the big Dravidian parties that are leading the two alliances. While the M. Karunanidhi-led Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (DMK) has had to part with over 100 seats out of the 234 seats up for grabs, even the tightfisted J. Jayalalithaa's All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (AIADMK) had to grudgingly give away over 50 seats to its allies. Both parties have been forced to accept the growing reality of coalition politics. And with pollsters predicting a photo-finish on May 8, the allies may well be the ones holding the key to Fort St George, the seat of government in Chennai.
Though discontent has been simmering among communities for quite some time, till a few years ago, caste polarisations were hardly reflected in the electoral results. The dynamics, however, changed in 1998 when the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), a party of Vaniyars, walked away with four of the five Lok Sabha seats it contested in alliance with the AIADMK. It also got 6 per cent of the total votes, which it consolidated to over 8 per cent in 1999. Now with its influence spread in over 80 constituencies across 10 districts, S. Ramadoss' party, in alliance with the DMK, has fielded candidates in 31 seats.
The Dalits have traditionally voted for the AIADMK, but have enjoyed little space in the power matrix. The emergence of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI) gave some fillip to the community's aspirations in the northern districts. Party chief Thol. Thirumavalavan, who fought along with the DMK in 2001, has now joined the AIADMK and is expected to boost the Jayalalithaa-led alliance in the northern districts of the state.
Poll analysts believe that due to the absence of a third front in the state, parties such as the PMK and the DPI switch loyalties in every election in order to get the best deals. For someone who is testing the waters for the first time, actor Vijaykanth has managed to get remarkable appreciation for his off-screen performance. Putting to rest months of speculation over which alliance he would join, Vijaykanth, a Naidu by caste, says his Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) will play an important role in the event of a fractured mandate.
The spotlight, however, is on his caste mate Vaiko, who provided the shock value to the poll battle with his dramatic poll-eve U-turn. The Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) leader seems to have realised the perils of fighting alone and analysts believe that his joining hands with Jayalalithaa was nothing more than a desperate attempt to reinvent and reposition himself for a future in a multi-party system. Vaiko's party is contesting in 35 constituencies, and his votes in the other constituencies in the southern districts are bound to strengthen the AIADMK alliance. This region is also home to a large section of the Thevar community, a caste to which Jayalalithaa's close friend Sasikala Natarajan belongs.
According to poll estimates, the religious minorities, who hold over 10 per cent of the total vote share, are largely with the DPA, though sections of the Muslims and Christians have thrown their weight behind the AIADMK. The Federation of Minorities faced a vertical split recently when 10 organisations broke away to support Jayalalithaa. In response, Catholic archbishops met Karunanidhi to reaffirm their support to DMK. Some Christians also find it hard to believe that the Anti-Conversion Bill has been withdrawn, as, they say, it is technically in force. They have sought job quotas in government institutions as well as a constitutional amendment to extend reservation to Dalit Christians.
Muslims, who have traditionally stayed with the DMK, have asked for reservation too. Some groups have even called for the release of all the accused in the Coimbatore serial blasts, including Abdul Nasser Madani, the chairman of Kerala's People's Democratic Party. "Let the court give its judgement. But why are you denying them bail?" says M.H. Jawahirullah, president, Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK), which is supporting the DMK-led front. The Muslims are concentrated in many regions of the state, including Chennai, Tirunelveli and Coimbatore. However, one faction of the Muslim League has joined the AIADMK.
Election 2006 could well mark a turning point in the politics of the state. The Dravidian parties no longer look invincible. In many ways, they are being slowly edged out by relatively smaller groups and individuals. The dynamics of caste polarisation have also become pronounced, with every group becoming vocal in a bid to foist its community agenda. And in any close contest, these groups could well end up separating the winners from the losers. Perhaps the only positive fallout of a fragmented polity could be a respectable Opposition strength in the state Assembly, which has so far been a rarity in Tamil Nadu politics.
(India Today, May 8, 2006)
By S S Jeevan
Ever since the state came into being in 1953, Tamil Nadu, formerly Madras, has been a fanatical believer in single-party rule. While the Congress ruled for a little over a decade, regional parties have held sway since 1967. But now the state is witnessing a phenomenal rise of caste-based parties and marginal players. Their importance can be gauged from the fact that they have managed to wrangle a significant number of seats from the big Dravidian parties that are leading the two alliances. While the M. Karunanidhi-led Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (DMK) has had to part with over 100 seats out of the 234 seats up for grabs, even the tightfisted J. Jayalalithaa's All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (AIADMK) had to grudgingly give away over 50 seats to its allies. Both parties have been forced to accept the growing reality of coalition politics. And with pollsters predicting a photo-finish on May 8, the allies may well be the ones holding the key to Fort St George, the seat of government in Chennai.
Though discontent has been simmering among communities for quite some time, till a few years ago, caste polarisations were hardly reflected in the electoral results. The dynamics, however, changed in 1998 when the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), a party of Vaniyars, walked away with four of the five Lok Sabha seats it contested in alliance with the AIADMK. It also got 6 per cent of the total votes, which it consolidated to over 8 per cent in 1999. Now with its influence spread in over 80 constituencies across 10 districts, S. Ramadoss' party, in alliance with the DMK, has fielded candidates in 31 seats.
The Dalits have traditionally voted for the AIADMK, but have enjoyed little space in the power matrix. The emergence of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI) gave some fillip to the community's aspirations in the northern districts. Party chief Thol. Thirumavalavan, who fought along with the DMK in 2001, has now joined the AIADMK and is expected to boost the Jayalalithaa-led alliance in the northern districts of the state.
Poll analysts believe that due to the absence of a third front in the state, parties such as the PMK and the DPI switch loyalties in every election in order to get the best deals. For someone who is testing the waters for the first time, actor Vijaykanth has managed to get remarkable appreciation for his off-screen performance. Putting to rest months of speculation over which alliance he would join, Vijaykanth, a Naidu by caste, says his Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) will play an important role in the event of a fractured mandate.
The spotlight, however, is on his caste mate Vaiko, who provided the shock value to the poll battle with his dramatic poll-eve U-turn. The Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) leader seems to have realised the perils of fighting alone and analysts believe that his joining hands with Jayalalithaa was nothing more than a desperate attempt to reinvent and reposition himself for a future in a multi-party system. Vaiko's party is contesting in 35 constituencies, and his votes in the other constituencies in the southern districts are bound to strengthen the AIADMK alliance. This region is also home to a large section of the Thevar community, a caste to which Jayalalithaa's close friend Sasikala Natarajan belongs.
According to poll estimates, the religious minorities, who hold over 10 per cent of the total vote share, are largely with the DPA, though sections of the Muslims and Christians have thrown their weight behind the AIADMK. The Federation of Minorities faced a vertical split recently when 10 organisations broke away to support Jayalalithaa. In response, Catholic archbishops met Karunanidhi to reaffirm their support to DMK. Some Christians also find it hard to believe that the Anti-Conversion Bill has been withdrawn, as, they say, it is technically in force. They have sought job quotas in government institutions as well as a constitutional amendment to extend reservation to Dalit Christians.
Muslims, who have traditionally stayed with the DMK, have asked for reservation too. Some groups have even called for the release of all the accused in the Coimbatore serial blasts, including Abdul Nasser Madani, the chairman of Kerala's People's Democratic Party. "Let the court give its judgement. But why are you denying them bail?" says M.H. Jawahirullah, president, Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK), which is supporting the DMK-led front. The Muslims are concentrated in many regions of the state, including Chennai, Tirunelveli and Coimbatore. However, one faction of the Muslim League has joined the AIADMK.
Election 2006 could well mark a turning point in the politics of the state. The Dravidian parties no longer look invincible. In many ways, they are being slowly edged out by relatively smaller groups and individuals. The dynamics of caste polarisation have also become pronounced, with every group becoming vocal in a bid to foist its community agenda. And in any close contest, these groups could well end up separating the winners from the losers. Perhaps the only positive fallout of a fragmented polity could be a respectable Opposition strength in the state Assembly, which has so far been a rarity in Tamil Nadu politics.
(India Today, May 8, 2006)
Southern Shifting Sands
The dramatic polarisations in the neighbourhood are bound to affect the Union Territory which shares an umbilical cord with Tamil Nadu
By S.S. Jeevan, in Pondicherry
Sleepy Pondicherry is sipping a funny Congress cocktail. A strong bastion for decades, it is today plagued by intense infighting, somuch so that there are as many leaders as the number of seats in theAssembly— 30. The party received a record number of applications (nearly 400) for the 17-odd seats it is contesting this time. As the Union Territory gets ready for a two-phased poll on May 3 and 8, it looks like the ruling Congress might just about retain power. That’s because the opposing parties in the last assembly polls, the DMK and the PMK, have joined hands with the Congress this time.Andthey are taking on, ironically, another former Congressman, P. Kannan, whose Puthucherry Munnetra Congress (PMC) has forged an alliance with the AIADMK.
While PCC President and veteran leader P.Shanmughamassures there is no infighting, seat sharing has led to heart-burns among alliance parties, as the DMK asked for more seats. The Vanniyar-based PMK, which got the lone Lok Sabha seat in 2004, much to the consternation of Congressmen, had also to be accommodated, adding to the unrest among alliance party workers.
Chief Minister N. Rangasamy seems to be sitting pretty. His Government’s sops are being projected as the party’s campaign strategy. The growing economy is reflecting on the Government’s performance. But what will determine the poll outcome is the choice of candidates and also how seriously party cadres work as the campaign gains momentum.
The opposition alliance, however, has got a head start. It finalised seat sharing even as the ruling alliancewas struggling to find common ground. J. Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK is contesting 16 seats, while Vaiko’s MDMK and the Dalit Panthers have two seats each. Kannan’s PMC has 10 seats and it will contest on AIADMK’s election symbol. Interestingly, Election Commission figures reveal that the number of women voters has increased this time, while that of men voters has come down.
Pondicherry shares an umbilical cord with Tamil Nadu. Electoral results in Tamil Nadu have often had a spillover effect in Pondicherry—the Congress-AIADMK alliance in 1991 and the DMK in 1996. The recent dramatic polarisations in Tamil Nadu and the born-again Amma might add to that effect. “But this spillover will be offset by the first ever Congress-DMK-PMK alliance in the Union Territory,” says D. Sambandhan, a professor at Pondicherry University.
An issue dominating the electoral scene is unemployment, as there is growing disenchantment among the locals over losing jobs to “outsiders”. Another issue is that of elections to local bodies, which haven’t been held for over 35 years. Though most parties talk about it, there seems to be a quid pro quo among them to not hold the elections. “This is because they stand to lose power, as the size of constituencies is very small,” says Mannar Mannan, a Tamil scholar.
In many ways, Pondicherry only mirrors the scene at the national level, where multi-party coalitions have become the mantra. And multiple personalities are jostling to create individual space. But they also realise—like Kannan, who has a sizeable following—they cannot win without strategic partnerships with large parties. In this tourist haven where booze comes cheap and almost nothing gets taxed, no politician is resting easy at the moment. And they would rather wait till May 11—the counting day— before the champagne is uncorked.
(India Today, April 10, 2006)
By S.S. Jeevan, in Pondicherry
Sleepy Pondicherry is sipping a funny Congress cocktail. A strong bastion for decades, it is today plagued by intense infighting, somuch so that there are as many leaders as the number of seats in theAssembly— 30. The party received a record number of applications (nearly 400) for the 17-odd seats it is contesting this time. As the Union Territory gets ready for a two-phased poll on May 3 and 8, it looks like the ruling Congress might just about retain power. That’s because the opposing parties in the last assembly polls, the DMK and the PMK, have joined hands with the Congress this time.Andthey are taking on, ironically, another former Congressman, P. Kannan, whose Puthucherry Munnetra Congress (PMC) has forged an alliance with the AIADMK.
While PCC President and veteran leader P.Shanmughamassures there is no infighting, seat sharing has led to heart-burns among alliance parties, as the DMK asked for more seats. The Vanniyar-based PMK, which got the lone Lok Sabha seat in 2004, much to the consternation of Congressmen, had also to be accommodated, adding to the unrest among alliance party workers.
Chief Minister N. Rangasamy seems to be sitting pretty. His Government’s sops are being projected as the party’s campaign strategy. The growing economy is reflecting on the Government’s performance. But what will determine the poll outcome is the choice of candidates and also how seriously party cadres work as the campaign gains momentum.
The opposition alliance, however, has got a head start. It finalised seat sharing even as the ruling alliancewas struggling to find common ground. J. Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK is contesting 16 seats, while Vaiko’s MDMK and the Dalit Panthers have two seats each. Kannan’s PMC has 10 seats and it will contest on AIADMK’s election symbol. Interestingly, Election Commission figures reveal that the number of women voters has increased this time, while that of men voters has come down.
Pondicherry shares an umbilical cord with Tamil Nadu. Electoral results in Tamil Nadu have often had a spillover effect in Pondicherry—the Congress-AIADMK alliance in 1991 and the DMK in 1996. The recent dramatic polarisations in Tamil Nadu and the born-again Amma might add to that effect. “But this spillover will be offset by the first ever Congress-DMK-PMK alliance in the Union Territory,” says D. Sambandhan, a professor at Pondicherry University.
An issue dominating the electoral scene is unemployment, as there is growing disenchantment among the locals over losing jobs to “outsiders”. Another issue is that of elections to local bodies, which haven’t been held for over 35 years. Though most parties talk about it, there seems to be a quid pro quo among them to not hold the elections. “This is because they stand to lose power, as the size of constituencies is very small,” says Mannar Mannan, a Tamil scholar.
In many ways, Pondicherry only mirrors the scene at the national level, where multi-party coalitions have become the mantra. And multiple personalities are jostling to create individual space. But they also realise—like Kannan, who has a sizeable following—they cannot win without strategic partnerships with large parties. In this tourist haven where booze comes cheap and almost nothing gets taxed, no politician is resting easy at the moment. And they would rather wait till May 11—the counting day— before the champagne is uncorked.
(India Today, April 10, 2006)
PROMISES KEPT
Voters repose faith in Karunanidhi in the local and municipal body elections after he delivers on the pledges made in the 2006 assembly polls, strengthening his and the party’s position in the state
When the DMK was virtually wiped out in the 2001 assembly polls, most people had declared the party a “spent force”. With less than 30 seats in the 234-member Assembly, the party took the fancy of obituary writers. Allies, too, were in short supply. Today, even his opponents concede that Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, who has completed 150 days in office, has consolidated his party’s position in the state. In the municipal corporation elections last week, his alliance secured three-fourth of the local body seats. The DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) won five of the six municipal corporations, over 110 of the 152 municipalities and 28 of the 29 district panchayats across the state. In the Chennai Municipal Corporation Council elections, the alliance won in 150 of the 155 wards. In the process, it has broken into the AIADMK strongholds in western and southern districts winning a majority of wards in Madurai, Coimbatore, Virudhunagar and Tirunelveli districts.
Now every political party wants to be a part of his alliance. The Dalit Panthers, earlier with the AIADMK, joined his alliance recently. And the battle seems to be for the opposition space, with actor Vijaykanth’s DMDK also strengthening its position in the local body elections. Karunanidhi set the tone on the very first day he assumed office. By implementing schemes like rice at Rs 2 a kg and free colour TVs, he managed to silence his critics on one hand, and widened the support base for his party on the other. It was a shrewd strategy based on pure arithmetic. His party’s vote share had showed signs of dipping during the last elections. That could have been because he had to concede more seats to his allies, but Karunanidhi at 83 knows all too well that his immediate task is to strengthen the party and raise the equity for his son and successor M.K. Stalin.
So whether it is extending reservation for OBCs in private unaided educa- tional institutions, giving concessions to government employees or taking steps to ensure reservation for Muslims and Christians in the state, Karunanidhi has adopted an inclusive approach to reach out to every vote bank and secure the party’s future. For instance, he touched a chord with the Dalits in southern Tamil Nadu recently when he extended reservations for SCs in villages. He also went out of his way to co-opt the influential Tamil film industry that had deserted him during the previous elections. All new films with a Tamil name will now be exempt from entertainment tax and rates for shooting in government buildings have been cut by half. And to appease the party ideologues, a governmentfunded film on Periyar is on the anvil.
The irony, however, is hard to miss. Karunanidhi is heading the state’s first minority government. Though his large cut-outs that dot the state’s landscape may loudly proclaim his arrival as a ‘maximum’ leader, he has been able to shrewdly keep his allies within the coalition. The Congress MLAs find themselves in a gridlock. While Karunanidhi may still cobble a majority without Congress support in the state, the same may not be true at the Centre where the DMK-led alliance is lending strength to the UPA Government. So while the Congress has openly demanded power, it still remains an unwilling partner. Though the PMK has periodically tried to raise a banner of revolt, like on the Sri Lankan refugee issue or when it stalled a decision on an satellite town near Chennai, it too has little option but to stay with the flock.
But, Karunanidhi has been more than willing to humour his closest allies, the Left parties, who too have reminded him they could not be taken for granted. For instance, when the CPI(M) General Secretary N. Vardarajan said, “Armed professional rowdies were engaged by DMK across the state,” referring to the violence-marred local body elections, Karunanidhi was quick to pacify the comrades the next day. He also took the extreme step of challenging the UPA Government on the Neyveli Lignite Corporation issue due to the Left parties’ pressure. This was to thwart the Opposition that had built up a campaign in the state. By stalling the divestment process, Karunanidhi not only turned a potential crisis into a political victory, but stole the thunder from the Opposition and reminded Delhi of his bargaining power.
On the economic front, Karunanidhi inherited an economy in good shape and the 8 per cent plus GDP growth is reflecting on governance in the state. A new industrial policy is on the anvil. Special tax concessions will also be granted to companies that set up shop in the SEZs. A second Tidel Park will be set up in Chennai and another in Coimbatore.
Karunanidhi’s style of governance too has found many takers. He has given a free hand to his ministers, mostly new faces. He himself is easily accessible. “He may appear to have sobered down with age, but his mind is as sharp as ever,” says a political commentator. That reflects in the assembly too where he has consistently denied a strong Opposition bench a chance to lead the proceedings, while being also gracious to admit their constructive role. The Opposition, in fact, has failed to find a foothold in the state. The emergence of Vijaykanth, many believe, may only be working to his advantage as he is believed to be splitting the opposition votes. Also, he seems to have realised the perils of overtly going after AIADMK CHIEF Jayalalithaa. It is a strategy that bombed during his last tenure. A couple of cases against the AIADMK loyalists, however, have kept tongues wagging.
Clearly, Karunanidhi is shouldering a larger-than-life responsibility and doing a balancing act amidst compulsions and contradictions of coalition politics. His son Stalin is gradually stepping into the father’s shoes, touring the state in a bid to strengthen the party. The violence in local body polls may be the only scar in the reign of the final arbitrator of Tamil Nadu.
(India Today, November 6, 2006)
When the DMK was virtually wiped out in the 2001 assembly polls, most people had declared the party a “spent force”. With less than 30 seats in the 234-member Assembly, the party took the fancy of obituary writers. Allies, too, were in short supply. Today, even his opponents concede that Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, who has completed 150 days in office, has consolidated his party’s position in the state. In the municipal corporation elections last week, his alliance secured three-fourth of the local body seats. The DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) won five of the six municipal corporations, over 110 of the 152 municipalities and 28 of the 29 district panchayats across the state. In the Chennai Municipal Corporation Council elections, the alliance won in 150 of the 155 wards. In the process, it has broken into the AIADMK strongholds in western and southern districts winning a majority of wards in Madurai, Coimbatore, Virudhunagar and Tirunelveli districts.
Now every political party wants to be a part of his alliance. The Dalit Panthers, earlier with the AIADMK, joined his alliance recently. And the battle seems to be for the opposition space, with actor Vijaykanth’s DMDK also strengthening its position in the local body elections. Karunanidhi set the tone on the very first day he assumed office. By implementing schemes like rice at Rs 2 a kg and free colour TVs, he managed to silence his critics on one hand, and widened the support base for his party on the other. It was a shrewd strategy based on pure arithmetic. His party’s vote share had showed signs of dipping during the last elections. That could have been because he had to concede more seats to his allies, but Karunanidhi at 83 knows all too well that his immediate task is to strengthen the party and raise the equity for his son and successor M.K. Stalin.
So whether it is extending reservation for OBCs in private unaided educa- tional institutions, giving concessions to government employees or taking steps to ensure reservation for Muslims and Christians in the state, Karunanidhi has adopted an inclusive approach to reach out to every vote bank and secure the party’s future. For instance, he touched a chord with the Dalits in southern Tamil Nadu recently when he extended reservations for SCs in villages. He also went out of his way to co-opt the influential Tamil film industry that had deserted him during the previous elections. All new films with a Tamil name will now be exempt from entertainment tax and rates for shooting in government buildings have been cut by half. And to appease the party ideologues, a governmentfunded film on Periyar is on the anvil.
The irony, however, is hard to miss. Karunanidhi is heading the state’s first minority government. Though his large cut-outs that dot the state’s landscape may loudly proclaim his arrival as a ‘maximum’ leader, he has been able to shrewdly keep his allies within the coalition. The Congress MLAs find themselves in a gridlock. While Karunanidhi may still cobble a majority without Congress support in the state, the same may not be true at the Centre where the DMK-led alliance is lending strength to the UPA Government. So while the Congress has openly demanded power, it still remains an unwilling partner. Though the PMK has periodically tried to raise a banner of revolt, like on the Sri Lankan refugee issue or when it stalled a decision on an satellite town near Chennai, it too has little option but to stay with the flock.
But, Karunanidhi has been more than willing to humour his closest allies, the Left parties, who too have reminded him they could not be taken for granted. For instance, when the CPI(M) General Secretary N. Vardarajan said, “Armed professional rowdies were engaged by DMK across the state,” referring to the violence-marred local body elections, Karunanidhi was quick to pacify the comrades the next day. He also took the extreme step of challenging the UPA Government on the Neyveli Lignite Corporation issue due to the Left parties’ pressure. This was to thwart the Opposition that had built up a campaign in the state. By stalling the divestment process, Karunanidhi not only turned a potential crisis into a political victory, but stole the thunder from the Opposition and reminded Delhi of his bargaining power.
On the economic front, Karunanidhi inherited an economy in good shape and the 8 per cent plus GDP growth is reflecting on governance in the state. A new industrial policy is on the anvil. Special tax concessions will also be granted to companies that set up shop in the SEZs. A second Tidel Park will be set up in Chennai and another in Coimbatore.
Karunanidhi’s style of governance too has found many takers. He has given a free hand to his ministers, mostly new faces. He himself is easily accessible. “He may appear to have sobered down with age, but his mind is as sharp as ever,” says a political commentator. That reflects in the assembly too where he has consistently denied a strong Opposition bench a chance to lead the proceedings, while being also gracious to admit their constructive role. The Opposition, in fact, has failed to find a foothold in the state. The emergence of Vijaykanth, many believe, may only be working to his advantage as he is believed to be splitting the opposition votes. Also, he seems to have realised the perils of overtly going after AIADMK CHIEF Jayalalithaa. It is a strategy that bombed during his last tenure. A couple of cases against the AIADMK loyalists, however, have kept tongues wagging.
Clearly, Karunanidhi is shouldering a larger-than-life responsibility and doing a balancing act amidst compulsions and contradictions of coalition politics. His son Stalin is gradually stepping into the father’s shoes, touring the state in a bid to strengthen the party. The violence in local body polls may be the only scar in the reign of the final arbitrator of Tamil Nadu.
(India Today, November 6, 2006)
MOUNTING A CHALLENGE
The DMK and its allies promise freedom from Jayalalithaa’s “dictatorship”, while triggering a freebie contest to woo voters
By S S Jeevan
Less than two months ago, the DMK took offence at the statement of Union Minister of State E.V.K.S. Elangovan to the effect that the Congress is not in politics just to put “others in the saddle”. The minister was suggesting that the DMK share power in Tamil Nadu. Not satisfied with his subsequent apology, the DMK demanded action against him. But on April 17, a softened DMK chief M. Karunanidhi admitted candidly, “It does not matter whether a single party or a coalition comes to power in Tamil Nadu. My janma sabalayam (purpose of birth) is to get rid of the Jayalalithaa Government.”
Earlier in the day, surrounded by a massive crowd at the Chennai Collectorate, the leader of the Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) filed his nomination, hoping for a hattrick of wins from the Chepauk constituency. Accompanied by Union ministers Dayanidhi Maran and T.R. Baalu, Karunanidhi appeared confident as his party-workers tried desperately to make room for the four-time chief minister. The same day, not far from Chepauk, Karunanidhi’s son and DMK Deputy General Secretary M.K. Stalin also filed his papers from the Thousand Lights constituency.
With just over two weeks to go for the elections, the DMK campaign blitz is nearing a crucial phase. Karunanidhi has completed over a third of his travel and his target, like that of his alliance partners, is Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa. Addressing a meeting in Chidambaram, he asked, “How can someone who is embroiled in court cases make Tamil Nadu the No. 1 state?” At another rally he told the crowds that the choice before them was between “democracy and dictatorship”.
With some opinion polls predicting a slender advantage for Jayalalithaa, DMK allies too have upped the ante. According to an opinion poll conducted by a TV channel, Jayalalithaa has a 2 per cent advantage in terms of voteshare over Karunanidhi. Congress leaders and Union min- isters P. Chidambaram, Elangovan and G.K. Vasan are camping in the state and so is Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) chief S. Ramadoss to drum up support. At a meeting in Chennai, finance minister Chidambaram charged the AIADMK with undermining democracy and legislative practices. “They passed 15 bills in 15 minutes,” he said and urged people to elect a government that “co-operates with the Centre”. The Congress, however, is facing dissent from within, with some rebels deciding to contest in constituencies allotted to allies.
The DMK’s manifesto has generated much debate in this election and the politics of rice has already had its impact. In response to the party’s offer of Rs 2 per kg, the AIADMK has presented a counter-offer: 10 kg free rice for every 10 kg purchased. Ramadoss calls it “a sedative-laced biscuit”. Actor Vijaykanth of the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) has chipped in with an assurance of 15 kg of rice free. Not to be outdone, the DMK has now come up with the offer of free colour TV sets. The economic impact of such promises, if implemented, will be marginal, says V. Chandrasekara Naidu, associate professor at the Madras Institute of Development Studies, adding, “The real problem will be implementation as siphoning off could defeat the purpose.”
At an election rally in Chennai, Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) chief Vaiko took a dig at Chidambaram’s backing of the DMK’s offers. He asked if subsidised rice would indeed be provided throughout the country. The real surprise is Vijaykanth. Captain, as he is popularly called, is contesting from the Vriddhachalam and his party has fielded candidates in almost all constituencies. Experts, however, believe that Vaiko and Vijaykanth may only be successful in cutting into the votes of the DMK and AIADMK alliances, and may end up with only a handful of seats.
Jayalalithaa, on the other hand, has kept her campaign relatively low key. She described Karunanidhi’s promise of distributing 50 lakh acres of wasteland as “misleading”, pointing out that the land was not in the government’s possession. Spending a considerable time in her constituency Andipatti last week, she met actor Sarath Kumar, who quit the DMK to join the AIADMK.
One of the key deciding factors in this poll could be rural votes. “The DMK is strong in urban areas, while the AIADMK has traditionally banked on the rural vote,” says historian K. Rajayyan. Adds M. Swamy, a teacher at a village near Tenkasi: “The rural people will face a tough choice: whether to vote against the callous attitude of Jayalalithaa in her first three years of governance, or for its performance in the last two years.” Maybe it is the consumer lurking within the voter who’ll decide. As a tea shop owner in Chennai says, “We got free bicycles during Jayalalithaa’s tenure, so why not go for Karunanidhi’s colour TVs this time?”
(India Today, May 1, 2006)
By S S Jeevan
Less than two months ago, the DMK took offence at the statement of Union Minister of State E.V.K.S. Elangovan to the effect that the Congress is not in politics just to put “others in the saddle”. The minister was suggesting that the DMK share power in Tamil Nadu. Not satisfied with his subsequent apology, the DMK demanded action against him. But on April 17, a softened DMK chief M. Karunanidhi admitted candidly, “It does not matter whether a single party or a coalition comes to power in Tamil Nadu. My janma sabalayam (purpose of birth) is to get rid of the Jayalalithaa Government.”
Earlier in the day, surrounded by a massive crowd at the Chennai Collectorate, the leader of the Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) filed his nomination, hoping for a hattrick of wins from the Chepauk constituency. Accompanied by Union ministers Dayanidhi Maran and T.R. Baalu, Karunanidhi appeared confident as his party-workers tried desperately to make room for the four-time chief minister. The same day, not far from Chepauk, Karunanidhi’s son and DMK Deputy General Secretary M.K. Stalin also filed his papers from the Thousand Lights constituency.
With just over two weeks to go for the elections, the DMK campaign blitz is nearing a crucial phase. Karunanidhi has completed over a third of his travel and his target, like that of his alliance partners, is Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa. Addressing a meeting in Chidambaram, he asked, “How can someone who is embroiled in court cases make Tamil Nadu the No. 1 state?” At another rally he told the crowds that the choice before them was between “democracy and dictatorship”.
With some opinion polls predicting a slender advantage for Jayalalithaa, DMK allies too have upped the ante. According to an opinion poll conducted by a TV channel, Jayalalithaa has a 2 per cent advantage in terms of voteshare over Karunanidhi. Congress leaders and Union min- isters P. Chidambaram, Elangovan and G.K. Vasan are camping in the state and so is Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) chief S. Ramadoss to drum up support. At a meeting in Chennai, finance minister Chidambaram charged the AIADMK with undermining democracy and legislative practices. “They passed 15 bills in 15 minutes,” he said and urged people to elect a government that “co-operates with the Centre”. The Congress, however, is facing dissent from within, with some rebels deciding to contest in constituencies allotted to allies.
The DMK’s manifesto has generated much debate in this election and the politics of rice has already had its impact. In response to the party’s offer of Rs 2 per kg, the AIADMK has presented a counter-offer: 10 kg free rice for every 10 kg purchased. Ramadoss calls it “a sedative-laced biscuit”. Actor Vijaykanth of the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) has chipped in with an assurance of 15 kg of rice free. Not to be outdone, the DMK has now come up with the offer of free colour TV sets. The economic impact of such promises, if implemented, will be marginal, says V. Chandrasekara Naidu, associate professor at the Madras Institute of Development Studies, adding, “The real problem will be implementation as siphoning off could defeat the purpose.”
At an election rally in Chennai, Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) chief Vaiko took a dig at Chidambaram’s backing of the DMK’s offers. He asked if subsidised rice would indeed be provided throughout the country. The real surprise is Vijaykanth. Captain, as he is popularly called, is contesting from the Vriddhachalam and his party has fielded candidates in almost all constituencies. Experts, however, believe that Vaiko and Vijaykanth may only be successful in cutting into the votes of the DMK and AIADMK alliances, and may end up with only a handful of seats.
Jayalalithaa, on the other hand, has kept her campaign relatively low key. She described Karunanidhi’s promise of distributing 50 lakh acres of wasteland as “misleading”, pointing out that the land was not in the government’s possession. Spending a considerable time in her constituency Andipatti last week, she met actor Sarath Kumar, who quit the DMK to join the AIADMK.
One of the key deciding factors in this poll could be rural votes. “The DMK is strong in urban areas, while the AIADMK has traditionally banked on the rural vote,” says historian K. Rajayyan. Adds M. Swamy, a teacher at a village near Tenkasi: “The rural people will face a tough choice: whether to vote against the callous attitude of Jayalalithaa in her first three years of governance, or for its performance in the last two years.” Maybe it is the consumer lurking within the voter who’ll decide. As a tea shop owner in Chennai says, “We got free bicycles during Jayalalithaa’s tenure, so why not go for Karunanidhi’s colour TVs this time?”
(India Today, May 1, 2006)
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