In Democracy We Trust

After 10 years of suffering elections that were at best a sham, an experiment with polls in some of Tamil Nadu's interior districts empowers Dalits to take control of their own lives.

S.S. Jeevan in Madurai

Families living on the margins in tiny villages of southern Tamil Nadu are just beginning to comprehend the price of an elected office. Here, people of lower caste communities have been getting bizarre offers for over 10 years. In 2001, when 71-year-old Karutha-kkannan of Keeripatti village was approached by caste Hindus to contest elections, he knew that if elected, he would have to resign immediately and be compensated with 25 kg of rice by the Piramalai Kallers, the dominant backward caste community comprising roughly 80 per cent of the population in these villages, that has consistently blocked Dalits from holding office.

As per the 73rd Amendment to the Constitution, the Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act, 1994, provided a three-tier Panchayati Raj system making democracy truly representative. One of its provisions was to reserve the post of panchayat president for Scheduled Castes (SCs) in villages like Keeripatti for 10 years and then rotate them. But since 1996, these villages vanished from the electoral map due to sham elections. Democratic processes stand paralysed in Pappapatti, Keeripatti and Nattarmangalam in Madurai district, and Kottakachiyendal village in Virudhunagar district. No Dalit would dare challenge caste hegemony and come forward to contest or withdraw their nominations.

That has changed. One of the first decisions Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi took after assuming office was to extend reservations for SCs and hold elections in these villages. During the October 2006 elections, Dalit candidates backed by most political parties and powered by the state machinery contested and won. "It was not just a caste issue, but a challenge to uphold the Constitution," says Madurai District Collector T. Udhayachandran. The Dalit presidents continue to hold office today and were even felicitated by Karunanidhi in Chennai. The Government and the DMK party have given Rs 25 lakh to each village for developmental activities. "Our colony has been electrified now," says P. Ganesan, Nattarmangalam panchayat president.

Since the Panchayat Act, 1994, successive governments have conducted elections over 15 times. In Pappapatti village, a Dalit candidate who dared file his nomination died mysteriously. The district has seen many violent caste clashes in the past but each time dalits have had to suffer.

In Melavalavu village panchayat, caste Hindus killed six Dalits in 1997, including panchayat president Murugesan. Most Dalits depend on the Kallers for their livelihood. "Dalits saw polls as a trap or a threat to their community," says Dinesh Oliver, a revenue divisional officer. In many panchayats, Dalits were glad to stand as puppets, like 65-year-old Alagumalai who won and resigned from Keeripatti the same day in 2005. "I got 25 kg of rice and Rs 1,000," he says.

Demarcations still persist. Dalits cannot enter temples controlled by Kallers and so have their own on the village outskirts. Chellamani, an advocate from Nattarmangalam, says he will file a case if the village is not de-reserved for the next polls. "We can ask the Dalit presidents to resign whenever we want," he adds. To counter such threats, the district administration has provided round-the-clock security for the Dalit presidents.

Nattarmangalam was the only village with a Dalit president for one term-in 1996-2001-but soon even this joined the election boycott creating a constitutional deadlock. Within a fortnight of taking over as district collector, Udhayachandran received a call from the chief secretary asking him to investigate. After approaching and understanding the grievances of the people, the election process was planned. Uncooperative officials were transferred; anti-social elements were kept under surveillance and no political leader was allowed entry during the electioneering period. Dalit Panthers party leader Thol Thirumavalavan was also told not to enter these villages.

Local elements were monitored and polling booths were made available in Dalit areas. "I conducted a detailed study on every village and evolved different strategies," he says. In Nattarmangalam, the administration generated competition by working closely with the Communist party to put up a dummy candidate, while it simultaneously evolved consensus among caste leaders to arrive at a compromise formula. In Keeripatti, nominations of other candidates were rejected and the state-backed candidate was subsequently the unanimous choice.

Unlike before, elections to all posts including vice-president were held this time, and this gave the state a chance to co-opt caste Hindu leaders. Kallers, who continue to wield power, are the vice-presidents of the panchayats. Even today, no decision can be taken without their approval, and Dalit presidents say all decisions are taken "collectively". Many believe that the elections have set the stage for opposing parties to find common ground. "The success of these elections shows, once again, that Dalits cannot save themselves. It is only the others (Kallers) who can save them," says G. Palanithurai, a professor at Gandhigram Rural Institute. "We need everyone's support to sustain this process," says Udhayachandran. For the Dalits in Keeripatti, the street lights in their hamlet remain the priceless perks of democracy.

(India Today, January 2007)