THE RISING SON

Karunanidhi starts his fifth term, partially fulfilling his election pledges, even as his son Stalin’s induction into the Cabinet signals the DMK chief’s carefully crafted plan to pass on the baton

By S S Jeevan, in Chennai

If you thought a man touching 83 would take time to settle into a new job, think again. The elections to the Tamil Nadu Assembly were held on May 8. Three days later, when the votes were counted, Muthuvel Karunanidhi’s DMK belied predictions of a close fight and emerged as the overwhelming winner. Two days later, the new chief minister and his 30-member Cabinet— which included his son and heir apparent M.K. Stalin—were sworn in at a public function at the Nehru Indoor Stadium in Chennai. Minutes later, amidst cheers from a large gathering inside the closed arena and lakhs of DMK cadres, Karunanidhi partially fulfilled his campaign pledges: rice for the poor at Rs 2 per kg, waiver of loans for the cooperative sector and an extra egg in the midday meal-scheme for schoolchildren. “I am signing the orders in front of you,” he told the audience. Chief Minister Karunanidhi had put his money where his mouth is. And in one stroke, he made the DMK’s dramatic victory look even more spectacular.

Till the morning of the counting day, a close finish was what everyone had predicted and it looked as if the state was readying for its first shot at a coalition government. For a man on the wrong side of 80, Karunanidhi appeared to be doing things at breakneck speed. Just hours after he took the oath, he effected a smooth transition of almost all top bureaucrats and police officers, including a few who had been suspended or shunted to the bureaucratic doghouse by the previous AIADMK regime of J. Jayalalithaa. Even the state Government’s website wore a new look.

It was not without reason that Karunanidhi did not overtly project his son during the run-up to the polls. “It is a strategy to malign me,” he told INDIA TODAY, dismissing questions regarding the anointment of his son. But the list of ministers submitted to Governor S.S. Barnala left little to the imagination. Stalin’s name is right after those of his father’s and of the party vanguards’, General Secretary K. Anbazhagan and Treasurer Arcot N. Veerasamy.

Stalin’s rise within the party has been largely silent. That’s because the campaign launched by Vaiko and Jayalalithaa on dynastic rule always put Karunanidhi on the backfoot. He knew the more he projected his son, the lesser would be Stalin’s chances of succeeding him. But pushing his son is just what he’s been doing. Stalin’s control over the party has been increasing over the years. Ever since he was made the DMK’s deputy general secretary two years ago, Stalin has made a conscious effort to emulate his father—going to the party headquarters at 10 a.m. and meeting the cadres every day. He has also been working on his oratory skills—a fact that came to light in this election. About six months ago, he began writing columns in the party organ Murasoli, just like his father.

Stalin may face stiff opposition outside the DMK world, but inside the party he is the king-in-waiting. After Vaiko’s the DMK. Most of Karunanidhi’s Cabinet is filled with new faces—19, including Stalin, who are adding political strength to his future. And the old guard will not revolt. He shares a special relationship with Dayanidhi Maran, whose father Murasoli Maran was unflinchingly loyal to Karunanidhi. The generation-next leaders hope to follow in their father’s footsteps. Rarely does one witness both father and son together in a cabinet. Stalin has emerged as the undisputed leader in the party and a new power centre at Fort St George.

Stalin is not just in power, he is in absolute control too. He holds the crucial local administration portfolio that includes municipal administration, panchayats, rural development and indebtedness and urban and water supply. Karunanidhi has played his part to strike a fine balance in his Cabinet— there’s a fair representation of castes, minorities and women. He has given special emphasis to the southern districts, from where the DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) made inroads into the AIADMK belt.

In keeping with a tradition peculiar to the state, Jayalalithaa has said she will not attend the Assembly, unless “it is important”. “Nobody can forget how I was attacked and humiliated in the Assembly on March 25, 1989 and some of those who humiliated me that day will be back as ministers in the new DMK ministry,” she said. She has deputed former chief minister O. Pannerselvam to lead her party in the Assembly. Karunanidhi too had kept away from the Assembly when the AIADMK was in power.

Experts have expressed fears that Karunanidhi’s populism could bleed the state’s economy in the long run. During the previous DMK regime, the state’s revenue deficit had gone up from 2.94 per cent in 1996 to 26.95 per cent in 2000. The AIADMK government, with some creative measures, had brought it down to 2.47 per cent. The waiver of cooperative loans, some believe, could lead to problems, as people will start believing that there is no need to pay their debts. Even the promise of two acres for poor landless farmers is bound to become a contentious issue as far as land availability and eligibility are concerned.

Karunanidhi’s populist policies have gone beyond the economic. In a progressive order of far-reaching implications, the Government has ended the monopoly of Brahmins over temples in the state. This was DMK ideologue Periyar E.V. Ramasamy’s last wish, Karunanidhi said. As if in acknowledgement of the recent close ties between the DMK and the Congress— never mind that it was a Congress government that had dismissed his during the Emergency—he announced that the enhanced midday meals would be given to children from July 15, the birthday of the former Congress president and Tamil Nadu’s last Congress chief minister K. Kamaraj. That was the only concession he would make to the Congress, which as an alliance partner was hoping to grab a few ministerial berths for itself. The logic behind this unfriendly act was not difficult to understand. Having just anointed his son as minister and heir apparent, Karunanidhi, who, at 83, is certainly serving his last term as chief minister, is hardly keen to give the Congress a chance to groom a leader who could one day pose a challenge to his son. In Delhi or in Chennai, political dynasties always think alike.

(India Today, May 29, 2006)